经典重庆

标题: 南华早报今日文章：Chongqing rising 附原文 [打印本页]

作者: yetingprivate 时间: 2011-12-1 16:40
标题: 南华早报今日文章：Chongqing rising 附原文
本帖最后由 yetingprivate 于 2011-12-1 18:25 编辑

南华早报是香港阅读率最高的英文报纸，香港朋友告诉我今天在back page有一封很长的文章
简介："Eric Li argues that the success of one inland region's socialist experiments to advance the residency system, tackle corruption and open up its market will pave the way for China's next stage of development"
地址是：http://www.scmp.com/portal/site/ ... ser&ss=China&s=News
感谢论坛网友江边的石头提供英文原文，因为直接点网址好像看不到全文：A quiet revolution is happening in China's hinterland. If you think China's rise in the past 30 years has changed the world, you haven't seen anything yet.
Breakneck growth has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty and transformed a poor agrarian society into a global industrial powerhouse in one generation. Yet, the world's  second-largest economy is now at a crossroads. Its spectacular success has also brought a large wealth gap and widespread corruption that threaten the sustainability of its development and social cohesion.
7 [4 M1 x, }$ _& h2 N5 r

There are two Chinas: the coastal regions built on export-driven growth and the grossly underdeveloped larger inland regions. Will China continue its current trajectory and  become a major global power, as America did? Or will it languish in an ever-widening divide between the haves and the have-nots with the latter dragging down the former? ( k  b, O- b9 J

The answer may be found in the mountainous and, until recently, one of the most underdeveloped regions in China's west. In merely half a decade, the municipality of Chongqing has become a major laboratory of public policy innovation. Three large-scale policy  experiments interwoven by one revolutionary idea - growth with equity - are fast transforming this region. These experiments in urbanisation, social fairness and market economics are based on unmistakably Chinese values. 0 ~2 C! d6 |+ T  X" o' N! g4 w& i
, C4 }# m. z1 x
Urbanisation is taking place at a speed and scale unprecedented even by China's  standards. Of the 32 million inhabitants of Chongqing, only 12 million are registered as city dwellers. Unlike the coastal regions that were mostly already urban at the beginning of  economic reform, Chongqing's demographic is a mirror image of China at large. 8 p' V; f* a7 V  u

In 2008, a rural land exchange was set up. The exchange now allows farmers to turn their farmhouses back to arable land in exchange for cash from developers who buy the square footage in the form of additional quotas for urban development. So far, US$1.5billion worth of transactions have taken place.( U7 T# d0 q1 a$ a3 {3 g2 L( K
7 Z* T2 l' r) j! p. e. z5 z& I0 u
Overall, about two million people have been registered as urban residents. Another million are expected to make the transition within a year. A total of seven million are projected to take up urban residency by 2020, taking the  urbanisation rate to 60per cent. What is more remarkable is that this demographic shift is  taking place without the loss of arable land.
2 f7 _6 `; k; S, C& [1 o
The government has also stepped in to  ensure the welfare of those at risk of being left behind, by building 430million sq ft of low- income housing. ( |. V1 \( O! [, _. x1 P
/ J- E, j) n7 V& {  R; P$ l
The biggest impact has come from Chongqing's pioneering of a system that grants new city dwellers the much-coveted urban residency status and its accompanying education and health care benefits five years after taking up city residence. In one fell swoop, the most  intransigent structural divide, the hukou  system, is at last being breached.   g8 W2 @' A0 \3 m2 K& Y
$ U1 A( N* ^8 a- K8 D; g$ O
To attack corruption, the government  began with the hardest nut to crack - the  pharmaceutical industry in the public health sector. A computerised procurement system has been built for use by all public hospitals. Their drug purchases can be viewed openly by the public, real-time, with names of suppliers and unit prices. This programme is helping to regain public trust.

Open market economics forms the third  pillar of Chongqing's development. In 2007, only 25per cent of its gross domestic product was generated by the private sector. Today, that figure is 60per cent. This remarkable growth has in part been fuelled by microfinance. As state banks concentrate their lending to state-owned enterprises, capital formation has been the bottleneck to the expansion of private small and medium-sized enterprises across the country. In Chongqing, hundreds of government-approved and regulated private non-bank providers of microcredit have lent US$15billion to SMEs this year alone.
7 T6 ~# Z0 f: W6 |9 K; `: [+ z; J
At the same time, government policies are spurring large-scale developments in technology and manufacturing. The development model of the coastal regions encourages low-end assembly industries, with higher-value components still being made overseas. In landlocked Chongqing, the government opted for the rapid build-up of scale in downstream  assembly. This is driving component makers to move production from overseas to Chongqing. 6 Q6 \( Q2 H0 e8 q

Perhaps the most significant element of the Chongqing phenomenon is its underlying  driver: public morality. A Chinese brand of  socialism underpins its development. The red-culture campaign, with its revival of communist revolutionary music, reaffirms modern  communitarian values that resonate with  Chinese culture's Confucian roots. Rapid  economic development can only be justified and sustained on the basis of a fair and just  society. A strong government is proving to be effective because it is consistent with the  Chinese tradition of honouring moral authority vested in political power. In an increasingly  materialistic environment, the government led by the Communist Party is reclaiming the  moral high ground in the municipality.

The implications are significant. Without genuine development of its inland regions, the rise of China may very well be miscarried.2 \' \' ]. ?( g& b, H5 d, B
# S6 t: {  z' c3 i9 I6 C
Deng Xiaoping launched China's economic reforms 32 years ago with the establishment of the first "special economic zone" in Shenzhen - the first stop of China's rise. He  relaunched reforms nearly 20 years ago with his "southern tour" that was best symbolised by the emergence of Shanghai - the second stop. But, the sprawling factories of Shenzhen and the glittering towers of Shanghai do not yet a powerful nation make. Could this mountain metropolis be the third stop and final launching pad of the ascendency of a major civilisational power? All eyes are on Chongqing.  M- G9 \+ L, S8 _7 h: y: C

Eric X. Li is a venture capitalist in Shanghai and a doctoral candidate at Fudan University's School of International Relations and Public Affairs

作者: jackchiang 时间: 2011-12-1 16:46
可能要LOGIN才能读全文。

作者: nkq 时间: 2011-12-1 16:48

作者: 江边的石头房子 时间: 2011-12-1 17:35
全文：

Dec 01, 2011
A quiet revolution is happening in China's hinterland. If you think China's rise in the past 30 years has changed the world, you haven't seen anything yet.
Breakneck growth has lifted hundreds of millions out of poverty and transformed a poor agrarian society into a global industrial powerhouse in one generation. Yet, the world's  second-largest economy is now at a crossroads. Its spectacular success has also brought a large wealth gap and widespread corruption that threaten the sustainability of its development and social cohesion.



There are two Chinas: the coastal regions built on export-driven growth and the grossly underdeveloped larger inland regions. Will China continue its current trajectory and  become a major global power, as America did? Or will it languish in an ever-widening divide between the haves and the have-nots with the latter dragging down the former?

The answer may be found in the mountainous and, until recently, one of the most underdeveloped regions in China's west. In merely half a decade, the municipality of Chongqing has become a major laboratory of public policy innovation. Three large-scale policy  experiments interwoven by one revolutionary idea - growth with equity - are fast transforming this region. These experiments in urbanisation, social fairness and market economics are based on unmistakably Chinese values.

Urbanisation is taking place at a speed and scale unprecedented even by China's  standards. Of the 32 million inhabitants of Chongqing, only 12 million are registered as city dwellers. Unlike the coastal regions that were mostly already urban at the beginning of  economic reform, Chongqing's demographic is a mirror image of China at large.

In 2008, a rural land exchange was set up. The exchange now allows farmers to turn their farmhouses back to arable land in exchange for cash from developers who buy the square footage in the form of additional quotas for urban development. So far, US$1.5billion worth of transactions have taken place.

Overall, about two million people have been registered as urban residents. Another million are expected to make the transition within a year. A total of seven million are projected to take up urban residency by 2020, taking the  urbanisation rate to 60per cent. What is more remarkable is that this demographic shift is  taking place without the loss of arable land.

The government has also stepped in to  ensure the welfare of those at risk of being left behind, by building 430million sq ft of low- income housing.

The biggest impact has come from Chongqing's pioneering of a system that grants new city dwellers the much-coveted urban residency status and its accompanying education and health care benefits five years after taking up city residence. In one fell swoop, the most  intransigent structural divide, the hukou  system, is at last being breached.

To attack corruption, the government  began with the hardest nut to crack - the  pharmaceutical industry in the public health sector. A computerised procurement system has been built for use by all public hospitals. Their drug purchases can be viewed openly by the public, real-time, with names of suppliers and unit prices. This programme is helping to regain public trust.

Open market economics forms the third  pillar of Chongqing's development. In 2007, only 25per cent of its gross domestic product was generated by the private sector. Today, that figure is 60per cent. This remarkable growth has in part been fuelled by microfinance. As state banks concentrate their lending to state-owned enterprises, capital formation has been the bottleneck to the expansion of private small and medium-sized enterprises across the country. In Chongqing, hundreds of government-approved and regulated private non-bank providers of microcredit have lent US$15billion to SMEs this year alone.

At the same time, government policies are spurring large-scale developments in technology and manufacturing. The development model of the coastal regions encourages low-end assembly industries, with higher-value components still being made overseas. In landlocked Chongqing, the government opted for the rapid build-up of scale in downstream  assembly. This is driving component makers to move production from overseas to Chongqing.

Perhaps the most significant element of the Chongqing phenomenon is its underlying  driver: public morality. A Chinese brand of  socialism underpins its development. The red-culture campaign, with its revival of communist revolutionary music, reaffirms modern  communitarian values that resonate with  Chinese culture's Confucian roots. Rapid  economic development can only be justified and sustained on the basis of a fair and just  society. A strong government is proving to be effective because it is consistent with the  Chinese tradition of honouring moral authority vested in political power. In an increasingly  materialistic environment, the government led by the Communist Party is reclaiming the  moral high ground in the municipality.

The implications are significant. Without genuine development of its inland regions, the rise of China may very well be miscarried.

Deng Xiaoping launched China's economic reforms 32 years ago with the establishment of the first "special economic zone" in Shenzhen - the first stop of China's rise. He  relaunched reforms nearly 20 years ago with his "southern tour" that was best symbolised by the emergence of Shanghai - the second stop. But, the sprawling factories of Shenzhen and the glittering towers of Shanghai do not yet a powerful nation make. Could this mountain metropolis be the third stop and final launching pad of the ascendency of a major civilisational power? All eyes are on Chongqing.

Eric X. Li is a venture capitalist in Shanghai and a doctoral candidate at Fudan University's School of International Relations and Public Affairs

作者: 畅游人生 时间: 2011-12-1 17:49
ALL EYES ON CHONGQING~

作者: bydododo 时间: 2011-12-1 19:04
GLAMOURIOUS

作者: 遇缘 时间: 2011-12-1 19:43

崛起中的重庆
来源：观察者网特稿
作者：李世默 2011-12-01 14:51

      2011年11月，李世默走访了重庆，与各界人士深入交流，美国《基督教科学箴言报》和香港《南华早报》发表了他的感受：“重庆——一场静悄悄的革命正在中国腹地发生。如果说过去30年间中国的崛起改变了世界，更巨大的震撼即将来临。”
      重庆——一场静悄悄的革命正在中国腹地发生。如果说过去30年间中国的崛起改变了世界，更巨大的震撼即将来临。
      ****主导的经济改革带来了令人仰止的发展速度，使得亿万人民在一代人的时间里摆脱贫困，同时将一个破落的农业国变成一个世界工业强国。然而，这个世界第二大经济体正处于紧要关头。它的卓越成就也同时带来了威胁其持续发展和社会凝聚力的副产品，比如贫富差距过大和普遍的贪腐现象。经济地理因素的差异产生了两个中国：与发达国家越来越相像的依靠出口导向发展的沿海地区和严重欠发达的广大内陆地区。中国会延续当下的轨迹并像一个世纪前的美国那样成为一个全球性的主导力量，还是像过去其他许多有潜力的发展中国家一样由于贫富对立越来越严重而衰退？
      答案也许就在中国西部内陆这个不久之前还是全国最落后地区之一的山城。在仅仅不到五年的时间里，相当于半个英国大小的直辖市重庆正在成为世界上最大的公共政策创新的实验室。由一个理念原则贯彻起来的三套大规模的政策实验，也就是以明确的中国价值为指导的城市化、社会公平和市场经济建设，正在快速改变这个地区并给中国的未来以启示。
      即使是以中国标准衡量，重庆的城市化速度和规模也是史无前例的。在3200万人口中，只有1200万人城市居民，其余都是农民和民工。不像沿海地区在30年前中国经济改革之初就已经基本城市化，重庆的人口统计是整个中国情况的缩影。这使得其城市化模式与之前中国其他地区有质的不同。2008年，重庆成立了土地交易所，在此之前，城乡土地转换是被禁止的。重庆的这个创新措施实质是使农村宅地证券化，允许农民将其宅基地还耕并与开发商交易转化为现金，开发商则购买这样的地块以换取城市地产开发指标。自交易展开至今，已产生共15亿的交易额，并有200多万的农民移入城市，另有100万将于2012年底前完成转移，在2020年之前将完成高达700万的农民转移规划，届时重庆的城市化比例将达到60%。更惊人的是这种人口迁移并不以失去耕地为代价。
      在这个社会变革的过程中，****正在以强力措施确保那些可能会在急速的经济发展中掉队的人们的福利。4.3亿平方英尺的保障房正在建设中，尤其用以保证占低收入人群三分之一的最低收入人口的住房。这是撇开市场力量完全依靠****财政和融资独立运作的。
      也许最有意义的创举是重庆的一套自动补贴城市新居民的体系：给他们具有吸引力的城市居民身份证并在居住五年之后给予配套的教育和医疗保障。在这一强力举措下，最根深蒂固的将中国人分为城市居民和农村居民的户口制度将逐渐消亡。成千上万民工在沿海城市辛劳却缺医少药、子女无教的令人心酸的情形正在中国的中心地带被消灭。
为了打击腐败，****从公共卫生领域的最棘手的医药产业开始入手。人所共知的是，这一领域滥用药物，猛吃回扣的猖獗恶习污染了整个行业的价值链。重庆建立了一个电子化的药品交易平台，并强制所有公共医院均要加入此平台。在电子屏上，医院购买的所有药品的厂商名称、交易单价每天都向公众实时显示。这个被称为“阳光药品交易”的工程，自实施以来的18个月中已完成了共50亿美元的药品交易，对重建公众对于重庆医保体系的信任起到巨大促进作用。
      开放的市场经济构成了重庆发展的第三个支柱。在2007年，只有25%的GDP来源于私营企业，其余都是由****和国有企业贡献。如今，私营企业对GDP的贡献达到60%。这个卓越的增长某种程度上是由小额信贷领域的大胆试验促成的。当国有银行专注于国有企业贷款时，资金短缺成了全国私有中小企业发展的瓶颈。然而在重庆，由****担保并管理的数百个非银行的小额贷款机构仅今年一年就向私营中小企业提供了共计150亿美元的小额贷款。
      同时，****工业战略正在促进科技和制造业的大规模发展。珠三角和长三角沿海地区的发展模式都是依靠利用廉价劳动力和沿海便利交通而形成的低端组装工业，而工业生产中价值较高的部件比如电子组件还是在海外生产。重庆，在交通上不占优势，所以动用****干预来加速扩大下游工业区的规模。这促使零件制造商将他们的生产由海外直接转移到重庆从而实现规模经济效益。在笔记本电脑和平板电脑工业中，当前趋势显示，在不久的将来，将有80%的产值是在重庆地区产生的。到2015年，会有1亿台笔记本电脑和平板电脑在重庆生产，重庆由此将成为全球最大的此类产品生产基地。惠普和富士康都在这些最大规模的投资人之列。国外直接投资从2007年的12亿美元增长至2011年前三个季度就达到的90亿美元的外资额。
      也许重庆现象的最重要的因素在于它的基础动力：公共道德性。中国特色社会主义理论是社会和经济发展的基石所在。“****”，复活早期共产主义革命年代的音乐，重新证明了现代社区性价值观和中国儒家传统的深刻共鸣。只有在一个公平正义的社会基础上，经济才能健康持续地快速发展。对自身领导角色问心无愧的强势****被证明是有效的，因为这与中国传统文化中对****权力内在的道德权威之尊重相一致。在这个日益物质化的社会环境中，******重庆省委领导的****占有了社会的道德高地。
      重庆模式带来的启示是意味深长的。迄今仍主导着中国经济增长的沿海地区就像是挂在低处的垂手可得的果实。在沿海有效的模式在占囊括大多数中国人口的内陆地区就不一定奏效。作为一个大陆国家，如果不能将它的内陆地区真正发展起来，那么中国崛起完全有可能流产。
      32年前，邓小平先生开启了中国的改革开放——通过在深圳这个南方小镇建立第一个“经济特区”——中国崛起的第一站。他又在20年前的“南巡”中再启改革开放，其象征是强势发展的上海——第二站。但是遍布深圳的工厂和上海金碧辉煌的摩天大厦还不足以创造出一个强大国家。山城重庆能否成为第三站并且成为一个文明型国家崛起的最终发射点？焦点：重庆。

（李世默是上海的一位风险投资家、复旦大学国际关系和公共事务学院博士研究生。）
（中文版由观察者网独家发布，译者：红豆、于果）

作者: ③歲逗嘿帥 时间: 2011-12-1 19:47
The rapid development of Chongqing is superb, which has gained international acceptance. It's undoubtedly regarded as a miracle.

作者: 遇缘 时间: 2011-12-1 20:06
另一种思维：红与更红，中国****中的左与右-------李世默
原载：【基督教科学箴言报】

在中国近期的****、社会现象中，最令观察人士注意的莫过于****潮流。许多源于毛泽东时代，具有浓厚左翼色彩的革命歌曲重新复苏。这一潮流的引领者重庆，是一座有2000万人口的内陆城市，其主政者******是中国一位重要而莫测高深的****家。中国30年的飞速发展一直被说成是资本主义势如破竹的进军，而如今公共场合和电视节目中蔚为壮观地高唱和播放着格调高昂的革命老歌。许多人忧心忡忡地表示，这预示着****上急速向左转，文化大革命的恐怖在死灰复燃。与此同时在另一阵营中，左派遗老以及其更年轻的追随者“新左派”，正踌躇满志地憧憬未来，他们认为多年来民众在发展经济的名义下遭到漠视，现在是拨乱反正的时候了。然而，两边都一叶障目，过于想当然了。
　　
　　要剖析这一现象，就必须理解中国******的起源和发展。1921年中国******成立时，中华民族已经历了半个多世纪的大崩溃，气若游丝，满目疮痍。1919年的《凡尔赛条约》证明，中国当时的统治精英层过于软弱腐败，根本无法担当起建立现代民族国家的使命，也丝毫无力卫护民众、安顿民生，更遑论捍卫民族尊严。与此同时，正如中华帝国各朝代屡次上演的场景，多由反抗的农民组成的普通民众又一次登上了改朝换代的历史舞台。但这次历史没有重演，因为中国饱受早期工业化列强国的入侵，历经异质强势文明的冲击，国已不国，急需一场彻底的、由现代意识形态武装下的社会运动。正是中国******当仁不让地承担了这一历史使命，运用马克思主义以及列宁主义，最终率领中国民众建立并巩固了中华人民共和国。马克思主义中有关共产主义的信念，契合了中国儒家文化中平等主义诉求的传统；而列宁主义的组织方式有效动员了本是一盘散沙、虚弱无力的农民阶层。因此在建立民族国家的奋斗中，作为革命组织的中国******，能从根本上代表广大民众。这一历史阶段不仅包括革命时期，还一直延续到年轻的民族国家成长的时期，即中华人民共和国的前30年（1949 年– 1979年）。在当代****的意义上，那时的中国******是典型的左翼****力量，因此在1949年前与之对抗，或者在1949年后反对其政权者，都可以归为****上的右翼。
　　
　　到了1979年，邓小平启动了中国的改革，由此改变了中国历史。在光彩夺目、万众瞩目的经济腾飞之外，人们却很少留意中国******自身的变化，即中国******在经济上青睐资本，****上某种程度逐渐右倾。在邓小平之后的******时代，这一变化逐渐明朗，最后在2000年，以“三个代表理论”的正式表述水落石出。2002年这一理论写入党章，由此重新定义了党的宗旨，即中国******代表先进生产力的发展要求，代表先进文化的前进方向，代表最广大人民的根本利益。
　　
　　《凡尔赛和约》之后不过八十多年，中国已经变得充满自信与活力，因此中国******能够转而声称代表包括了企业家在内的精英阶层。进而言之，中国******意识到民众和精英在利益上一致，这是中国迄今为止成功的大前提。而中国要继续发展，就必须保持这两者利益上的一致。也就是说，中国******已经在本质上超越了其传统上二元对立的阶级斗争思维模式。
　　
　　晚至19世纪末，政党的观念才从现代西方传入中国。不论在建党、革命，还是建设时期，中国******都不是西方原始意义上的政党。或许在外部表象上接近西方的政党，但骨子里中国******是一个左翼的民族主义****运动。今天，****科学意义上的政党是某一阶层或群体在利益和理念上的代表，但中国******并非如此，而是代表了中国各阶层民众的整体利益。因此，与其说中国******是一个政党，不如说是治理中国的****联盟，涵盖了广大的阶层、利益和理念，并充当各阶层、利益集团间的仲裁者，以推进民族整体的长远利益。源自于民众运动的中国******，正逐渐发生变化并包容精英阶层。简而言之，即从左伸向右，双向兼容。
　　
　　自从“三个代表理论”成为党的指导思想以后，10年间又有了一个有趣的变化。对现政权的反对声音越来越多地来自左翼，其中包括了民粹主义和自由民主主义。一部分知识分子、自由派媒体人士以及网络舆论，向中国的现状发起一波又一波的批判。这些批判的火力主要瞄准市场经济下的财富分化，社会福利匮乏，经济高速增长的蛋糕较多落入商业和技术精英之手，以及引导这一社会转型的官僚体系。腐败也是批判的一大对象，但相对来说是附带的，那些左翼所攻击的社会现象有没有腐败都会存在。
　　
　　自从苏联建立******政权以来，******国家中出现以左翼为主的反对派，这是有史以来第一次。这一景象令中国以外的观察者迷惑不已，因为过去不论在中国还是其他******国家，****反对派都是来自右翼。有时甚至国内人士也会疑惑，因为在中国，******政权的反对者习惯上被称为右派。但事实上，这些反对派是彻头彻尾的极左派，他们要求拉平财富分配，为此不惜付出经济放缓的代价；他们抨击任何形式的权利差异；他们将所有社会弊病归结为中国******偏袒精英阶层，罔顾民众。事实上，他们开始这种“****”要比******重庆****还要早很多。中国的所谓右派令很多人产生错觉，因为他们主要从左翼立场上反对******政权，他们其实要比中国******更红。
　　
　　拨开来自左右两翼的喧哗冷静看****，就会发现中国******实际上是在设法巩固传统的政权基础，否则一旦媒体和知识界的左翼反对者先发制人，政权基础有动摇的风险。显然，******正是看准了这一点，一旦失去民众的支持，中国不仅无法继续当前的发展势头，精英阶层也无法保护其自身的利益。
　　
　　这一转向可能会产生两大影响。首先，尽管****歌活动是对左翼批判浪潮的回应，但在加强****权力方面，中国******很可能获得成功。因为其与民众的联盟是在革命血与火中铸成的，并因此深入骨髓。一旦其决定转向，媒体-知识分子的民粹主义轴心将逐渐式微。在****首开先声的重庆，再次肯定民众的力量不仅与经济高速增长并行不悖，甚至还有锦上添花之效。在其他开展****运动的地区，迄今的效果也支持这一结论。
　　
　　其次，民粹主义与民族主义这对兄弟总是如影随形，在中国也不例外。在媒体尤其是网络上，夹杂着民粹主义的民族主义冲动正开始挑战******的政权。其中就包括呼吁在南海采取更强硬的军事姿态，以及反对中国****继续购买并持有美国国债。在民粹主义和民族主义的不断唱和之下，中国******要继续坚持一直以来对西方韬光养晦的策略，就要面临巨大的压力。
　　
　　2012年已经不远，在****权力交接的敏感时期，中国将受到来自各方面的严峻考验。在国内，中国******必须保持微妙的平衡，即在巩固其民众执政基础的同时，也要照顾好精英阶层的利益，后者对保持经济增长至关重要，而经济增长又是获得民众长期支持的前提。在国际****上，中国******必须安抚甚至吸纳高涨的内部民族主义，同时继续保持相对温和的外交政策，以赢得对中国崛起必不可少的外部和平环境。对中国******自身而言，其必须真正超越通常意义上的政党概念，变身为世界上最大、发展最快的国家的稳定执政组织。如果中国******果真能破茧化蝶，它将不仅永远改变中国的****治理模式，也将一举开创人类****学的全新篇章。

作者: 潇洒 时间: 2011-12-1 20:20

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作者: 驰风 时间: 2011-12-1 21:33

作者: jackchiang 时间: 2011-12-1 21:34

作者: 恒星的恒心 时间: 2011-12-1 21:38
本帖最后由恒星的恒心于 2011-12-1 21:39 编辑

又是一篇关注重庆模式的文章，顶起

作者: 新逍遥 时间: 2011-12-1 22:20
山城重庆能否成为第三站并且成为一个文明型国家崛起的最终发射点？焦点：重庆。

作者: sicc 时间: 2011-12-1 23:57

作者: 412166885 时间: 2011-12-2 00:17
焦点重庆重庆重庆重庆重庆重庆重庆重庆重庆

作者: 伴你一生重庆 时间: 2011-12-2 00:22
看得懂七成。英文水平退化比较严重。。

作者: 新恒 时间: 2011-12-2 00:44
重新证明了现代社区性价值观和中国儒家传统的深刻共鸣。只有在一个公平正义的社会基础上，经济才能健康持续地快速发展。对自身领导角色问心无愧的强势****被证明是有效的，因为这与中国传统文化中对****权力内在的道德权威之尊重相一致。在这个日益物质化的社会环境中，******重庆省委领导的****占有了社会的道德高地。/

作者: 新恒 时间: 2011-12-2 00:44
重庆模式带来的启示是意味深长的。迄今仍主导着中国经济增长的沿海地区就像是挂在低处的垂手可得的果实。在沿海有效的模式在占囊括大多数中国人口的内陆地区就不一定奏效。作为一个大陆国家，如果不能将它的内陆地区真正发展起来，那么中国崛起完全有可能流产。

作者: 三品 时间: 2011-12-2 00:55

作者: 法海 时间: 2011-12-2 01:01
今天离成都媒体吹嘘的亚欧免检国际列车（苕新欧）开行只剩９０天，哥每天都在数。

作者: 空空而已 时间: 2011-12-2 08:20
重新证明了现代社区性价值观和中国儒家传统的深刻共鸣。只有在一个公平正义的社会基础上，经济才能健康持续地快速发展。对自身领导角色问心无愧的强势****被证明是有效的，因为这与中国传统文化中对****权力内在的道德权威之尊重相一致。在这个日益物质化的社会环境中，******重庆省委领导的****占有了社会的道德高地。/

作者: steel1 时间: 2011-12-2 10:06
好事情！！！

作者: 城市阳台 时间: 2011-12-2 10:11
焦点：重庆。

作者: 御临河 时间: 2011-12-2 10:20
如果不能将它的内陆地区真正发展起来，那么中国崛起完全有可能流产。
================
重庆直辖的****意义就在这里。

作者: chnyue 时间: 2011-12-2 11:38
如果翻成中文，就是很一般的，你经常能看到的那种宣传八股文，VERY SO SO.

作者: joedlen 时间: 2011-12-2 14:49
这个李世默才是真正的高人

作者: 千里广大 时间: 2011-12-2 15:00
对自身领导角色问心无愧的强势****被证明是有效的，因为这与中国传统文化中对****权力内在的道德权威之尊重相一致。在这个日益物质化的社会环境中，******重庆省委领导的****占有了社会的道德高地

作者: 千里广大 时间: 2011-12-2 15:10
与其说中国******是一个政党，不如说是治理中国的****联盟，涵盖了广大的阶层、利益和理念，并充当各阶层、利益集团间的仲裁者，以推进民族整体的长远利益。源自于民众运动的中国******，正逐渐发生变化并包容精英阶层。简而言之，即从左伸向右，双向兼容

作者: kerryran 时间: 2011-12-2 15:19
这个李世默对重庆的经济研究得还是比较透彻，分析也很到位，很庆幸中国的******还是比较清醒的，作为一个大陆国家，内陆地区不强大，何来强国之说，未来10将是重庆发展的关键10年，成败在此10年！

作者: 千里广大 时间: 2011-12-2 15:20
作者很敏锐，立场比较超脱，看问题就深刻

作者: 林间飞雨 时间: 2011-12-2 15:23
强文当顶！

欢迎光临经典重庆 (http://bbs.jdcq.net/)